Presented by Zia H Shah MD

1. Introduction: The Complexity of Divinity in Buddhist Sociology

The sociological study of Buddhism has long grappled with a discrepancy between doctrinal orthodoxy and lived reality. While scriptural Buddhism—particularly in its Theravada and early Mahayana forms—is often characterized as non-theistic or transtheistic, placing the cessation of suffering (dukkha) and the attainment of Nirvana above the worship of deities, the empirical landscape of Buddhist practice reveals a vibrant, complex engagement with the divine. The Pew Research Center’s landmark study on religion in India illuminated this paradox with striking clarity, revealing that two-thirds of Indian Buddhists profess a belief in God.¹ Even more notably, the Indian data provided a granular theological breakdown: 31% believe in “only one God,” 22% in “one God with many manifestations,” and 5% in “many Gods,” with a remaining third rejecting the concept entirely.¹

This specific theological segmentation—mirroring the surrounding Hindu and Islamic environments—raises a profound comparative question: Do Buddhist populations elsewhere exhibit similar theistic structures? Does the “One God” versus “Many Manifestations” dichotomy persist in the Theravada heartlands of Southeast Asia, the Mahayana societies of East Asia, or the convert communities of the West?

This report provides an exhaustive, multi-regional analysis of theistic belief among Buddhists globally. By synthesizing data from the Pew Research Center, the World Values Survey (WVS), and other sociological instruments, we reconstruct the theological profiles of Buddhist communities in the United States, East Asia, and Southeast Asia. The analysis demonstrates that while the specific “One God vs. Manifestations” framework is largely unique to the Indian context, analogous theological fractures exist worldwide. In the United States, the divide shifts to “Personal God” versus “Impersonal Force.” In East Asia, it manifests as a distinction between “God” (monotheistic) and “Unseen Beings” (spirits/ancestors).

To provide the depth required, this report contextualizes these statistics within the historical, political, and cultural fabrics of each region, challenging the monolithic Western perception of Buddhism as a purely atheistic philosophy and revealing it instead as a tradition capable of immense theological adaptation.

1.1 Methodological Considerations and the “God” Variable

Before descending into regional analysis, it is imperative to address the methodological architecture that underpins the data. The concept of “God” is not culturally neutral. In the Abrahamic-dominated West and the religiously pluralistic India, “God” typically implies a supreme creator or a singular ultimate reality. However, in Buddhist cosmologies, “divinity” is stratified.

• The Linguistic Challenge: In surveys conducted in East Asia, translators must choose between terms that imply a monotheistic creator (e.g., Shangdi in Mandarin) and generic terms for spirits or gods (e.g., Shen or Kami). Pew Research Center’s recent methodological pivot in East Asia—asking about “unseen beings” alongside “God”—acknowledges this complexity.²
• The “Impersonal Force” Category: In Western contexts, particularly the United States, surveys often offer “Impersonal Force” as an alternative to “Personal God.” This category is crucial for Buddhists who may reject a biblical Creator but accept the concept of Dharma or Buddha-nature as a cosmic law, effectively serving as a functional equivalent to the “One God with many manifestations” seen in India.
• The Identity-Belief Gap: In nations like China and Japan, religious affiliation is low, but ritual participation is high. A respondent may deny being “religious” or “believing in God” while actively making offerings to Bodhisattvas for protection, viewing these actions as cultural custom rather than theological assent.³

Therefore, this report interprets “belief in God” not as a binary yes/no, but as a spectrum of engagement with the trans-empirical, varying from the worship of high deities to the veneration of local spirits and abstract cosmic forces.

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2. The Indian Subcontinent: The Unique Baseline

To understand the global comparison, we must first deeply examine the Indian baseline provided in the user query. The distinctiveness of Indian Buddhism lies in its demographic composition and its sociopolitical origin.

2.1 The Theological Breakdown of Indian Buddhism

The Pew Research Center data indicates a polarized community. Unlike the general Indian population, where belief in God is near-universal (97%), Indian Buddhists are the only major religious group with a substantial atheist faction (33%).¹ However, the 67% who do believe are categorized as follows:

Belief Category	Percentage	Contextual Interpretation
Only One God	31%	Reflects influence of Islamic monotheism and Sikhism, or a reinterpretation of the Buddha as a singular supreme figure.
One God, Many Manifestations	22%	Mirrors the dominant Hindu henotheistic theology (Ishta Devata), suggesting cultural osmosis.
Many Gods	5%	Traditional polytheism, likely lower due to the rejection of the Hindu pantheon by Neo-Buddhists.
No Belief in God	33%	The highest atheist share in India, rooted in Ambedkarite secularism.

2.1.1 The Ambedkarite Influence

The majority of Indian Buddhists are converts from the Dalit (formerly untouchable) community, following the path of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, who explicitly rejected Hindu deities. This explains the 33% non-belief rate—it is a political and theological assertion of identity.¹ However, the persistence of theistic belief (67%) highlights the “stickiness” of the surrounding Indian religious ethos. Despite conversion, many Buddhists continue to inhabit a cosmos populated by divine forces, reinterpreting them through a Buddhist lens or maintaining dual practices.

2.1.2 Syncretism and “Manifestations”

The 22% who believe in “One God with many manifestations” are likely engaging with the concept of the Buddha not just as a teacher, but as a manifestation of ultimate truth, or they are retaining a Hindu-adjacent worldview where divinity is fluid. This group represents the bridge between the strict non-theism of the scriptures and the devotional theism of the Indian masses.¹

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3. North America: The “Impersonal Force” and the Western Shift

Moving to the United States and Canada, we find the most direct statistical equivalent to the Indian “Manifestations” category. In the West, the theological split is not between “One God” and “Many Gods,” but between a “Personal God” and an “Impersonal Force.”

3.1 United States: A High-Belief Landscape

Contrary to the perception of Western Buddhism as a secular, rationalist philosophy, American Buddhists exhibit remarkably high levels of theistic belief. According to the Pew Religious Landscape Study (2014) and subsequent updates, approximately 74-75% of U.S. Buddhists believe in God or a universal spirit.⁴ This figure is actually higher than the 67% found in India, challenging the East-West secular-religious dichotomy.

3.1.1 The “Impersonal Force” as the Dominant Theology

The most critical data point for comparison with India is the nature of this divinity.

• Impersonal Force (45%): The plurality of American Buddhists view God not as a person, but as an “impersonal force”.⁴ This is the Western sociological equivalent to the Indian “One God with many manifestations” or abstract Brahman. It likely corresponds to concepts of Dharma, Karma, or “Universal Energy”—a non-anthropomorphic divinity that governs the universe.
• Personal God (~20-26%): A smaller but significant segment views God as a “person with whom people can have a relationship”.⁶ This group likely consists of converts from Christian backgrounds who retain a theistic worldview, as well as Asian immigrants from traditions (like Pure Land) that emphasize a devotional relationship with Amitabha Buddha, functionally similar to a personal deity.
• No Belief (~19-25%): The share of American Buddhists who explicitly reject God is actually lower than the 33% seen in India.⁴ This is a counter-intuitive finding: Indian Buddhists, often assumed to be “traditional,” are more likely to be atheists (due to the Dalit political context) than American Buddhists, who are often assumed to be “secular” but frequently hold New Age or spiritualist views.

3.1.2 Asian American vs. Convert Dynamics

The U.S. Buddhist population is bifurcated.

• Asian American Buddhists: 71% believe in God or a universal spirit.⁷ Their belief system is often characterized by concrete engagement with spirits and ancestors (67% belief in ancestral spirits) rather than abstract theology.⁷
• Convert Buddhists: While specific data splits are rarer, qualitative analysis suggests converts drive the “Impersonal Force” numbers, harmonizing Buddhism with scientific naturalism or pantheism.

3.2 Canada: Secularization and Diversity

In Canada, Buddhism accounts for 1.4% of the population.⁸ While granular “God” statistics are less frequent than in the US, the trend mirrors the broader North American pattern.

• Importance of Religion: 33% of Canadian Buddhists say religious beliefs are not important to how they live their lives, yet 67% say they are important.⁸ This aligns with the US data, suggesting that even in a secularizing society, a majority of Buddhists retain a strong spiritual (if not strictly theistic) orientation.
• The “No Religion” Context: Canada has a rapidly growing “nones” population (34.6%).⁹ Buddhism in Canada often sits on the boundary of this group, with many people practicing Buddhist meditation without claiming the identity, or claiming the identity without belief in a personal God.

3.3 Comparative Table: India vs. USA

The following table maps the specific Indian categories to their closest US equivalents:

Indian Category	Percentage	US Equivalent Category	Percentage	Analysis of Similarity
Only One God	31%	Personal God	26%	Both groups view the divine as a singular, relational entity.
One God, Many Manifestations	22%	Impersonal Force	45%	Both view divinity as abstract, ubiquitous, or non-singular.
Many Gods	5%	N/A (Spirits/Angels)	~50%*	*Belief in spirits/angels is high in US (50%+), overlapping with other categories.
No Belief	33%	No Belief	~20-25%	Explicit rejection of divinity is higher in India.

Note: The US survey did not ask “Many Gods” as a primary category for the nature of God, but separate questions reveal high belief in spirits/angels.

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4. Southeast Asia: Theravada Orthodoxy and Spirit Cults

Southeast Asia offers the most direct comparison to India in terms of proximity and shared religious history (Hindu influence). However, unlike India, where Buddhists are a minority reacting against Hinduism, in Thailand, Cambodia, and Sri Lanka, Buddhism is the hegemonic force that has absorbed Hindu elements.

4.1 Thailand: The Paradox of Education and Theism

Thailand presents a fascinating case where “belief in God” is not a monolithic marker of piety.

• The Educational Inverse: In most religions, higher education correlates with lower theism. In Thailand, this is explicit. 45% of Thai Buddhists with less education believe in God, compared to only 37% of those with secondary education.¹⁰ This suggests that “God” (likely interpreted as a creator deity) is a folk belief, while educated Buddhists adhere closer to the non-theistic orthodox dharma.
• Integration of Dharma: 56% of Thai Buddhists favor basing national laws on Buddhist dharma.¹¹ This high integration of religion and state exists alongside a relatively moderate belief in God, indicating that for Thais, “Religion” is defined by Dharma (Law), not Theos (God).
• The “Many Gods” Reality: While the survey might show moderate belief in “God,” the belief in “Unseen Beings” is likely near-universal. Thai Buddhism is famously syncretic, involving the worship of the Phra Phrom (Brahma) and Ganesh. If the Indian question “Do you believe in many gods?” were asked here, the answer would likely be much higher than India’s 5%, disguised in other surveys as “spirits” or “deities.”

4.2 Sri Lanka: The Functional Henotheism

Sri Lanka provides the closest parallel to the “One God with many manifestations” model found in India, though the terminology differs.

• High Theism among Women: Nearly nine-in-ten Sri Lankan women affirm belief in God.¹⁰ This gender gap (similar to the one seen in India regarding angels) suggests that devotional theism is a gendered practice, often centered on domestic protection and fertility.
• Hindu Syncretism: 77% of Sri Lankan Buddhists who feel a connection to Hinduism pray to Shiva.¹² This is a massive figure. It indicates that while they identify as Buddhist, their theological practice is functionally polytheistic. They do not see a contradiction in seeking Nirvana through Buddha and worldly protection through Shiva.
• Altars and Deities: 97% of Sri Lankan Buddhists have an altar at home.¹³ These altars typically feature the Buddha placed above Hindu deities, visually representing a hierarchy where the Buddha is supreme (supramundane) and gods are powerful but subordinate (mundane). This mirrors the “One God with many manifestations” if one interprets the “One” as the Truth/Buddha and the “Manifestations” as the serving deities.

4.3 Cambodia: Certainty and Law

Cambodia exhibits a pattern of high religious identity but lower certainty in “God” compared to India.

• Low Absolute Certainty: Only 4% of educated Cambodians believe in God with “absolute certainty,” compared to 12% of the less educated.¹⁰ This is strikingly lower than the Indian general public (~80% certainty) and Indian Buddhists (~43% certainty).¹
• Dharma as Absolute: 96% of Cambodian Buddhists support basing laws on Dharma.¹¹ This confirms that in Theravada societies, “Certainty in Dharma” replaces “Certainty in God.”

4.4 Singapore: The Urban Melters Pot

Singapore represents the intersection of Chinese Mahayana and Southeast Asian traditions in a modern, technocratic state.

• Generational Decline: There is a sharp drop in theistic certainty among youth. Only 13% of younger Buddhists (18-34) believe in God with absolute certainty, compared to 26% of those over 35.¹⁰
• Taoist Overlap: 79% of those identifying with Chinese traditional religions believe in God.¹⁰ Since many Singaporeans practice a “diffused” mix of Buddhism and Taoism, the belief in “Many Gods” (the Taoist pantheon) is functionally high, even if they identify as Buddhist on census forms.

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5. East Asia: Spirits, Ancestors, and the “Unseen”

In East Asia, the translation of “God” becomes problematic. The Pew Research Center’s inclusion of “Unseen Beings” and “Spirits in Nature” reveals a region that appears secular on “God” questions but is deeply spiritual in practice.

5.1 Taiwan: The Global Outlier

Taiwan stands out as the most theistically active Buddhist population in East Asia, and arguably the world.

• High Belief (87%): A staggering 87% of Taiwanese adults (including the Buddhist majority) believe in “god”.² This is significantly higher than Indian Buddhists (67%).
• Nature of Belief: This belief is not monotheistic. It comprises a vast bureaucracy of divine beings—Mazu, Guan Yu, the Jade Emperor—who are worshipped alongside Bodhisattvas like Guanyin. In the Indian framework, this would fall overwhelmingly into “Many Gods” or “One God with Manifestations” (if the Jade Emperor is seen as supreme).
• Spirits in Nature: 59% believe spirits inhabit mountains and rivers.² This animistic belief is far more prevalent in Taiwan than the 5% “Many Gods” figure in India, suggesting Indian Buddhism has shed its animistic layers more thoroughly than Taiwanese Buddhism.

5.2 China: The Hidden Theism

China presents a paradox: high atheism in identity, high theism in practice.

• Low General Belief: Only 17% of Chinese adults believe in God.¹⁵
• The Bodhisattva Exception: However, 33% of Chinese adults believe in “Buddha and/or a Bodhisattva”.¹⁶ This exact figure (33%) matches the Indian Buddhist “atheist” figure, but in reverse. In India, 33% reject god; in China, 33% accept a Buddhist deity-equivalent.
• “Burning Incense”: 35% of Chinese adults burn incense to worship Buddha/deities.¹⁶ This implies that one-third of the population engages in what an observer would call “theistic worship,” even if the state classifies it as “culture.”

5.3 Japan and South Korea: The “Unseen” Shift

• Japan: Explicit belief in God is low (42% general pop).¹⁴ However, 51% believe in nature spirits (Kami).² A Japanese Buddhist is unlikely to say they believe in “One God” (Indian style) but is very likely to believe in “Many Spirits.”
• South Korea: 62% of Buddhists believe in “unseen beings,” significantly higher than the 43% general belief in God.² Unique to Korea is the belief in Angels (54%) and Demons (47%) among Buddhists.² This high belief in spiritual warfare entities is likely a result of the intense competition and cultural exchange with evangelical Christianity.

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6. Europe and Oceania: Secularization and Conversion

In the UK and Australia, Buddhists are small minorities (0.4% – 2.4%) consisting of immigrants and converts.

6.1 United Kingdom: The Secular Context

• Census Data: 0.4% of the population is Buddhist.¹⁸
• Belief Trends: The UK is one of the least religious countries, with only 49% of the general population believing in God.¹⁵ While specific Buddhist breakdowns are scarce, the trend of “Secular Buddhism” (Stephen Batchelor’s influence) suggests that UK Buddhists likely mirror the “Impersonal Force” or “Atheist” profiles more than the theistic Indian profile.

6.2 Australia: Growth and Diversity

• Population: 2.4% of Australians are Buddhist.¹⁹
• Composition: The community is dominated by Vietnamese and Chinese immigrants, who typically bring the “Ancestral/Bodhisattva” model of belief (similar to East Asia) rather than the “One God” model.
• Growth: Buddhism was the fastest-growing religion, now stabilizing. This suggests a maturing community where second-generation immigrants may drift toward the “secular/spiritual” model typical of Western youth.

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7. Comparative Synthesis: The Global “God” Matrix

To answer the user’s request for “similar details” (One God vs Many etc.), we can construct a comparative matrix based on the available data. Since the exact Indian categories are not used globally, we map the closest functional equivalents.

7.1 Table: Global Buddhist Theological Profiles

Region	Primary Theological Mode	“One God” Equivalent	“Many Gods” Equivalent	“No God” Equivalent	Key Insight
India	Polarized Henotheism	31% (Only One God)	5% (Many Gods)	33% (Atheist)	Uniquely polarized between strong Monotheism and strong Atheism due to Dalit politics vs. Hindu osmosis.
USA	Abstract Spiritualism	~26% (Personal God)	N/A (Spirits ~50%)	~20% (Atheist)	The “Impersonal Force” (45%) replaces “Manifestations.” High belief, low orthodoxy.
Taiwan	Active Polytheism	~87% (Generic “God”)	59% (Nature Spirits)	Low	The most “theistic” Buddhist population, blurring lines between Buddha and Folk Deities.
Thailand	Syncretic Dharma	37-45% (God)	Universal (Spirits)	N/A	Belief in God is inverse to education; “Unseen Beings” are the operational reality.
China	Subversive Theism	17% (General God)	33% (Bodhisattvas)	High (State Atheism)	Identity is low, but 1/3 worship Buddhist deities.
Korea	Dualistic Spiritism	45% (God)	54% (Angels/Demons)	~40%	Heavily influenced by Christian categories (Angels/Demons).

7.2 The “One God” Anomaly

The most striking finding is that the 31% of Indian Buddhists who believe in “Only One God” appear to be a global anomaly. In no other major Buddhist population (except perhaps Vietnamese Catholics-turned-Buddhist or highly specific syncretic sects) does such a large portion adhere to strict monotheism.

• In the West: The shift is to “Impersonal Force.”
• In the East: The shift is to “Unseen Beings” or “Bodhisattvas.”
• Conclusion: Indian Buddhist monotheism is likely a result of the conceptual dominance of Ishvara (Hindu Supreme Lord) or Allah in the Indian cultural sphere, compelling Buddhists to frame their reverence for the Buddha in monotheistic terms.

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8. Sociodemographic Drivers of Belief

The data reveals consistent sociodemographic trends that influence these beliefs across borders.

8.1 The Gender Gap

• India: Women are twice as likely as men to believe in angels (32% vs 16%).²⁰
• Sri Lanka: Women are significantly more likely to believe in God (90% vs 80%).¹⁰
• East Asia: Women consistently report higher belief in fate, spirits, and miracles.²
• Implication: Buddhist theism is sustained largely by female practitioners, likely linked to domestic rituals, protection of children, and fertility, which are traditional domains of “transactional” theism.

8.2 The Education Paradox

• Thailand/Cambodia: Education lowers belief in God.¹⁰
• Singapore/India: Education effects are mixed or reversed. In India, those with more education are less likely to believe in heaven, but general category (higher caste/status) Indians are more likely to be religious.²⁰
• USA: Converts (often highly educated) tend toward the “Impersonal Force” or “Atheist” end, while immigrants (varied education) span the spectrum.

8.3 The Political Dimension

• India: Belief is higher among those with favorable views of the BJP (Hindu nationalist party).²⁰ This suggests that “believing in God” in India is partly a marker of conforming to the national ethos of astika (belief/piety).
• China: Belief is an act of resistance or cultural preservation against a secular state.
• Cambodia: Belief is tied to national reconstruction and identity.

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9. Conclusion

The Pew Research Center’s polling of Indian Buddhists reveals a community at a theological crossroads, influenced heavily by the monotheistic and henotheistic currents of the subcontinent. When we widen the lens to the rest of the world, we do not find a mirror image, but a refraction.

The “One God” of the Indian Buddhist (31%) becomes the “Impersonal Force” of the American Buddhist (45%). The “Many Manifestations” (22%) of India transforms into the “Bodhisattvas and Spirits” of the Taiwanese (87%) and Thai populace. The “Atheist” faction (33%) in India finds its counterpart in the secularized “nones” of Europe and the distinct non-theism of Chinese state society.

Ultimately, the data suggests that Buddhism is rarely practiced as the pure, non-theistic philosophy often imagined in textbooks. Instead, it acts as a “spiritual adhesive,” binding itself to the theological structures of its host culture—whether that is the monotheism of India, the animism of East Asia, or the scientific naturalism of the West. To be a Buddhist in the world is, more often than not, to believe in something—be it a God, a Spirit, a Force, or a Law—that transcends the mundane.

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