Presented by Zia H Shah MD

Abstract

Over the past century South Korea has witnessed a dramatic rise in Christianity – from negligible numbers in 1900 to roughly 30% of the population by the early 21st centuryen.wikipedia.org. This report analyzes that conversion phenomenon in socio‐historical context. Missionary-era education and medical work, Korean nationalism under colonial occupation, and especially post–Korean War trauma and anti-communist ideology all created fertile ground for a Christian revivalasianstudies.orgworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Charismatic leaders reframed personal and national suffering in Christian terms, and they connected Christianity to native traditions (e.g. using the shamanic term Hananim for God) to make the faith resonantoak.go.kroak.go.kr. In turn, rapid urbanization and modernization made Protestant churches focal points of social life and hope (the neon crosses lighting Seoul at night symbolize this vivid presencelatimes.comlatimes.com). These historical insights suggest that presenting Islamic monotheism in Korea should likewise be attentive to cultural values and narratives. An interfaith strategy could highlight common Abrahamic roots (Prophets, ethical monotheism)journal.kci.go.kr and draw on Korea’s own concepts of a single God (Hananim) to contextualize Tawhid. It should also address social aspirations – for example, Islam’s emphasis on justice, community welfare, and spiritual meaning could meet Koreans’ search for moral order in a secular age. Overall, an approach grounded in scholarly dialogue and cultural sensitivity may help Koreans see Islam’s pure monotheism not as alien, but as compatible with values long embraced in Korean religious life.

Historical and Cultural Background of the Christian Conversion Boom

Missionary Inroads and Colonial Era (Late 19th–Early 20th Century)

Christian missionaries entered Korea in the late 1800s and intentionally linked their message to Korean aspirations. They built schools and hospitals (e.g. Yonsei University, Severance Hospital, and women’s schools like Ewha) that offered both modern education and social mobilityasianstudies.orgoak.go.kr. Importantly, missionaries adopted the native term Hananim for “God,” tapping into shamanistic ideas of a supreme deity. Scholars note that Korean shamanism’s monotheistic implications made Hananim a ready bridge to Christianityoak.go.kr. Early Korean Christians identified Hananim with the biblical God, so that Christianity “as a personal transcendent God” was seen as congruent with Korean traditionoak.go.kroak.go.kr. Thus, by 1907 a great revival had already drawn over 100,000 Koreans into Protestant churchesasianstudies.org.

During Japanese colonial rule (1910–1945), Korean Christians became closely associated with Korean nationalism. Mission schools fostered Korean patriotism and literacy, while Christian communities often preserved the Korean language and culture under occupationasianstudies.orgworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Many church leaders explicitly framed Christianity as a source of national salvation against foreign oppressors. For example, Han Kyung-jik, founder of Young Nak Presbyterian Church, preached that God called him to enlighten and help the Korean nationworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. In 1919 Korean Protestants and other religious leaders led the March 1st independence movement, underscoring how Christianity and national identity became intertwined. In these years Christianity provided a space for Korean organization and hope when other religious groups were suppressed.

Post–World War II, Korean War, and Revival (1945–1960s)

After Japan’s defeat in World War II, Korea was divided and plunged into war (1950–53). These upheavals accelerated the Christian revival. Millions of Christians fled from the Communist North to the South (where President Syngman Rhee, himself a Presbyterian, endorsed anti-Communism)asianstudies.org. Church networks quickly mobilized refugee relief, and Western aid and military presence (notably the U.S. and allied forces) brought intense exposure to American Protestantism. For instance, U.S. evangelists like Billy Graham toured Korea in the 1950s, and U.S. military chaplains and NGOs poured resources into church-backed reconstruction. Combined with government support against communism, Korean Protestants energetically “rebuilt Korea and spread their faith” – tripling from 400,000 (at independence) to over 1.1 million by 1955asianstudies.org.

In the devastated postwar society, Christianity offered existential meaning amid suffering. Recent scholarship emphasizes that personal and national trauma were central in Korean conversion narrativesworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Charismatic pastors reframed war and oppression as part of God’s providence: suffering became a sign of martyrdom and future reward (e.g. Han Kyung-jik told congregations that wartime loss guaranteed “a great reward in heaven”worldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu). Evil forces – from Japanese imperialism to materialistic communism – were cast as enemies countered by Christian faithworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. In effect, Koreans saw in Christianity a narrative of restoration: a “chosen” nation emerging from victimhood with God’s blessingworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. The explosive growth of churches (including the rise of “mega-churches” like Yoido Full Gospel) reflects this momentum. Between 1950 and 1969, Young Nak Church grew from a few dozen to 12,000 members, illustrating how communal bonds and anti-Communist ideology fueled rapid evangelismworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu.

Economic Development and Evangelical Boom (1960s–1980s)

The next two decades saw South Korea’s rapid economic growth and authoritarian governance. Protestant churches remained close to the state’s anti-communist project and benefited from international aid. By 1967 there were fewer than 3 million Protestants; by 1987 more than ten million (over one-fifth of the population)asianstudies.org. This “conversion boom” outpaced growth in any other country. Churches adopted shamanistic-style practices (faith healing, exorcisms, prosperity preaching) that resonated with popular folk religion. As one study notes, the shamanic emphasis on present, material blessings was mirrored in Korean Pentecostalism’s focus on health and successoak.go.kr. Worship services often promised tangible “this-worldly” benefits (job, wealth, health) alongside spiritual salvationoak.go.kroak.go.kr. By blending Korean cultural elements (collective rituals, charismatic prayer) with Christian doctrine, churches became trusted community institutions. In this period Christianity came to be seen by many urban middle-class and educated Koreans as the faith of modernity and progressen.wikipedia.org.

Meanwhile, the Catholic Church also grew (from 450,000 in 1960 to over 1.3 million by 1980)asianstudies.org, promoting social justice under dictatorship through “minjung” (people’s) theology. Both Protestant and Catholic Christians played key roles in education, democratization, and civil society – further raising the social status of Christianity. By the early 2000s roughly 30% of South Koreans identified as Christian (Protestant or Catholic)en.wikipedia.org. Christian churches, with their ubiquitous night-time neon crosses, had become a defining feature of the national landscapelatimes.comlatimes.com.

Motivations and Societal Drivers of Christian Dominance

• Modernization and Education. Missionary-run schools and universities laid the foundations for Korea’s modern education systemen.wikipedia.org. Missionaries founded 293 schools and 40 universities by the late 20th centuryen.wikipedia.org, so Christianity came to be equated with literacy, science, and social advancement. Koreans saw western education and medicine (provided by churches) as paths to individual and national improvement. In effect, conversion to Christianity was partly a rational choice: it signaled openness to new knowledge and global culture.
• Nationalism and Anti-Colonial Sentiment. Under Japanese occupation, many Koreans came to see Christianity as symbolizing Korean identity and resistance. Protestant leaders linked their faith to the minjok (national) struggle; for example, Han Kyung-jik’s conversion story explicitly tied God’s calling to liberating “his people’s ways of life”worldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. After the war, Christian churches continued to stress anti-Communism as part of national defense. This alignment made Christianity seem patriotic, unlike Buddhism which was tainted by the colonial regime’s Shinto campaigns. By contrast, Christianity offered a narrative in which Koreans were God’s chosen (despite foreign aggression)worldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu.
• Trauma and Suffering Narratives. Sociologists highlight that Korean Christians reframed collective trauma through religion. Instead of seeing themselves as sinners needing redemption, Korean converts reinterpreted suffering (colonialism, war, family loss) as a sign that God was training his people for triumphworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Past wrongs were assigned to “inhuman” external enemies (Japan, North Korea)worldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu, while the South was cast as a righteous society supported by God. In this way, churches helped people heal – by giving meaning to pain – and turned despair into a hopeful promise of divine rewardworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu.
• Social and Cultural Resonances. Christianity absorbed certain indigenous practices. As one study observes, Korean Protestantism was successful partly because it shared features with shamanism: the Hananim concept of a supreme, personal God; and the faith-healing/exorcism rituals in charismatic churchesoak.go.kroak.go.kr. Protestant pastors often used the language and emotional style of Korean folk religion (weeping testimony, faith in miracles) to attract believers. Women, in particular, found new public roles in Christian institutions (schools, orphanages, Bible-women), which contrasted with traditional Confucian gender normsasianstudies.org. Urbanization further amplified Christianity’s appeal: as people moved to cities, churches became new surrogate families and support networks in the modern economy.
• Global Protestant Networks and Revivalism. American and other Western revivals inspired Korean Christians. The concept of puhŭng (“revival”) became ingrained: mass crusades with televised sermons and repeated altar calls created a culture of renewalworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Korean churches emulated the American model of faith-based giving and miracle testimonies. Surveys show Korean Protestants are much more aggressive in evangelism than Buddhists or Catholicsasianstudies.org, reflecting this revivalist spirit. This missionary fervor, combined with government tacit support in anti-communist times, institutionalized church growth as a virtuous national project.

Communicating Islamic Monotheism in Contemporary Korea

Islam’s Presence and Korean Perceptions

Islam remains a very small minority in Korea – on the order of 0.3–0.5% of the population – but it is growing through migration and conversionmei.edumei.edu. Muslim communities consist of foreign residents (workers, brides, students) and a “traditional” core of ethnic Korean converts, many of whom are urban, educated, and often have studied abroad in Muslim countriesmei.edumei.edu. Key moments in Korean-Islamic encounter include the posting of Turkish troops during the Korean War (which introduced Islam to Korean refugees)mei.edumei.edu, and the later wave of Korean workers in the Middle East (1970s–80s) who encountered Islam and returned home as convertsmei.edu. Mosques were built with government permission (the first in Seoul, 1976) and the Korea Muslim Federation dates to 1955mei.edumei.edu. However, in recent decades many Koreans still perceive Islam as “foreign” – associated with Middle Eastern migrants – rather than part of Korea’s religious heritageresearchgate.net. Studies note that Korean converts to Islam often face social exclusion and that Korea’s emerging “multicultural” discourse can be hostile, treating minorities as outsidersresearchgate.netresearchgate.net. In this climate, any effort to present Islam must proactively foster understanding and counter stereotypes.

Finding Common Ground: Theology and Ethics

To appeal to Korean sensibilities, Islamic outreach can draw on shared monotheistic themes. Both Christianity and Islam are Abrahamic faiths that honor many of the same prophets (Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, etc.). In fact, Islamic scripture frequently references Biblical figures, which provides a starting point for dialoguejournal.kci.go.kr. Muslims can respectfully highlight how Islam continues this tradition – worshiping the same ultimate God and honoring Jesus as a righteous prophet – while clarifying differences (e.g. Trinity vs. unity of God) in a non-confrontational way.

The concept of God may be related to familiar cultural notions. As noted, Koreans already have the shamanistic concept of Hananim (one great god), which early missionaries found helpful for conveying monotheismoak.go.kroak.go.kr. Islamic Tawhid (the absolute oneness of God) can be framed in Korean terms: emphasizing that there is only one divine Creator who cares for all people. For example, outreach materials could translate the Qur’an’s message into Korean Hananim-language. Emphasizing common values – compassion, honesty, social justice – is also important. In Confucian-influenced Korea, ideas like 仁 (humaneness) and 義 (righteousness) resonate with Qur’anic ethics such as mercy (rahma) and justice (adl). Thus, Islamic teaching could highlight overlaps: for instance, Islam’s strong emphasis on charity (zakāt) and communal welfare may appeal to Koreans concerned with social equity.

Interfaith and Sociocultural Engagement

Korean society highly values education and intellectual discourse. A scholarly approach to Islam – for example, translating the Qur’an and Hadith into Korean and publishing comparative theological works – can lend credibility. Universities and seminaries might host panels with Muslim and Christian scholars to explore theological affinities (much as Catholic and Protestant theologians have done in dialogue). Interfaith dialogue is widely recognized by Christian leaders in Korea (e.g. the late Rev. Kang Won-yong) as a means to peace and understanding. One Christian paper observes that Islam’s attention to Biblical prophets “could enhance the necessity of interfaith dialogue,” since “Islam and Christianity are mission-minded” yet both must learn to listenjournal.kci.go.kr. Mutual listening – avoiding the extremes of denial (“all faiths are the same”) or exclusivism (“only my religion is true”) – is key to respectful conversationjournal.kci.go.kr.

In practical terms, inviting Christians, Buddhists, and secular Koreans to learn about Islamic beliefs and practices is helpful. Pilgrimage stories or documentaries about Korean Muslims can humanize the faith. Emphasizing peace and coexistence – for instance, that the Prophet Muhammad is described as a mercy to the worlds (Qur’an 21:107) – can counter negative stereotypes. Given recent global attention to Islamophobia, Korean educational programs might focus on correcting misconceptions (for example, explaining that Islam is not historically a colonialist religion in Korea’s experience). Vietnamese or Filipino Muslims have also begun to settle in Korea, creating informal cultural bridges; such communities could be supported to interact with local churches and civic groups.

Importantly, any outreach strategy must acknowledge the community-oriented nature of Korean society. Conversion in Korea often happens through networks: friends, coworkers, or spouses. Thus, Muslim advocates should build social institutions – study circles, women’s groups, youth clubs – in Korean language and style. Demonstrating Islam’s capacity to foster strong community bonds, aid needy neighbors, and offer psychological comfort can mirror the role that churches played after the war. For example, Islamic charities working on education or health in Korea (or partnering with local NGOs) would embody Islamic values in ways that Koreans can see concretely. Addressing moral issues (dishonesty, corruption, family breakdown) with an Islamic ethical framework might also attract those disillusioned with materialism.

Overcoming Challenges: Islamophobia and Identity

Awareness of the current Korean climate is crucial. As one recent study notes, far-right Protestant media in Korea often depict Islam as a threat to national identity, invoking “Europe’s failed multiculturalism” and “Islamization” narratives. Fears are fueled by images of Middle Eastern violence and by global politics, leading some Koreans to distrust Islamharvard-yenching.org. To overcome this, Muslim outreach should emphasize how Islam respects local culture and law (Shari‘ah’s principles of justice can be aligned with the rule of law) and stress that the vast majority of Muslims are peaceful. Engagement with human rights values – as Korea sees them – can also build credibility (for instance, highlighting Islam’s teachings on the inherent dignity of all humans).

Finally, the example of other minority religions in Korea is instructive. Christianity itself faced suspicion in earlier eras; Buddhist and Confucian thinkers once viewed it with wariness. Over time, interfaith dialogue has shown Koreans that diverse beliefs can coexist. Korean Muslims and their supporters can frame Islam’s arrival not as a challenge to “Korean-ness,” but as part of Korea’s evolving global role and multicultural identity. Given Koreans’ modernizing ethos, it may help to point out that countries like Indonesia and Malaysia have vibrant Islamic intellectual traditions and global networks. In short, Islam can be presented as a universal monotheism that Koreans have the wisdom to explore critically.

Epilogue: Lessons for Future Interfaith Understanding

The history of Christianity in Korea reveals how intimately religious shifts are tied to societal needs and narratives. In the mid-20th century, Koreans embraced Christianity because it addressed pressing concerns: national trauma, identity, education, and social welfare. Christian leaders who told stories of God’s grace through suffering enabled millions to find hopeworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.edu. Today, Korea is again at a crossroads: a highly urbanized, competitive society where traditional Confucian bonds have loosened and many feel existentially unsettled. Islam’s presentation in Korea can learn from the past: it should offer a coherent worldview that speaks to Korea’s current “sufferings” (e.g. family stress, materialism, social isolation) while resonating with core Korean values (loyalty, communal care, in-nae-chŏn – “man is heaven” from Donghak roots).

In practice, this means that Muslim educators and preachers might frame Islam as a faith of intellectual integrity and compassion, not just ritual. Just as Korean Christianity used Hananim to make God relatableoak.go.kroak.go.kr, Islamic teachers might use terms like Haneul (heaven) or Juhan (Lord) to discuss Allah. Invoking common touchpoints – revering Jeong Yeesun (Mary) or Isa (Jesus) – can ease Koreans into understanding Islamic narratives. Simultaneously, Muslims should support Korean initiatives for multicultural harmony (e.g. halal certification for markets, mosque cultural centers) to normalize Islam’s presence.

Ultimately, the goal is mutual understanding. The same Korean churches that once evangelized abroad are now often advocates for openness at home (e.g., Christian groups protested excluding religion from light-pollution lawslatimes.com). Muslim leaders can continue that cooperative spirit. In time, a respectful, academic approach – grounded in historical insight and cultural empathy – can help the “pure monotheism” of Islam be seen not as a foreign alien creed but as another branch on Korea’s rich tree of religious encounter.

Sources: Authoritative studies of Korean Christianity and Islam were used, including historical surveys and sociological analysesasianstudies.orgworldhistoryconnected.press.uillinois.eduoak.go.krmei.edumei.eduresearchgate.netjournal.kci.go.kr, along with contemporary media and interfaith commentarylatimes.comlatimes.com. All claims are cited to these sources.